Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra
My op-ed in #IndianExpress today makes a simple argument: How the BJP has reduced a spiritual civilisation to a political identity. Sanatana Dharma does not depend on the BJP. The BJP must rise to Sanatana Dharma. We should not support a party simply because it claims our civilisational inheritance. We should ask whether its politics reflects its values: Satya, Nyaya, fearlessness, pluralism and human unity. Sanatana Dharma is far greater than any party. Perhaps the task is not to politicise Dharma, but to dharmicise politics.
https://x.com/i/status/2086806686422212737
India admires America. India critiques America. But does India truly understand America? @MakrandParanspe challenges conventional thinking on merit, innovation, and the India–U.S. relationship. youtu.be/SIbI58p1oW0?si… @PariksithSingh @AmazingVedas
https://x.com/i/status/2086505034263752716
What if the modern empire is built not on territory, but on ideas, finance, and technology? Explore with @MakrandParanspe how America reshaped global power and influence in a changing world. youtu.be/-HI9L1BplvE?si… @PariksithSingh @AmazingVedas
https://x.com/i/status/2087162617500741745
The history of philosophies of the unconscious is far more complex than most of us realise. Slavoj Žižek argues we need to stop hiding behind generalities — East versus West, materialism versus idealism — and look deeper into what the great traditions actually say about the self, the body, and the unconscious mind. Tap here to watch his full debate "The Mystery of the Self and the Body", with Monima Chadha, Martine Nida-Rümelin, and Federico Faggin. iai.tv/video/the-myst…
https://x.com/i/status/2087177781104767368
One of the fallouts of the affair of the fake Cambridge professor is that modernity forces multiracial or multiethnic societies to ultimately concede to some kind of quota system to preserve their social fabric. That in turn means that the quota system will be exploited by the beneficiaries and virtue signalers all the way to absurdity. This will continue until modernity itself collapses.
https://x.com/i/status/2087030996881309969
In my latest substack article which is the first of two in a series, I write about : Link : ramaseshanchandrasekaran.substack.com/p/how-llms-wor…
1. How Large Language Models break down raw text into chunks of units of meaning (called tokens)
https://x.com/i/status/2087166253614195195
Neo-Darwinism was founded by a devout Christian who tied evolution to God's laws. | bit.ly/4fZZU7v
Stanford historian Jessica Riskin argues its atheist champions like Richard Dawkins have forgotten their own theory's theological roots.
https://x.com/i/status/2087142005583311242
[TXT] FACULTE DES ETUDES SUPERIEURES?^= l FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND ET POSTOCTORALES U Ottawa POSDOCTORAL STUDIES L'University canadienne …
political …
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
There are debates on whether small units, in a federal setting, may be easier to manage than large and populous ones. On the one hand, it would be logical to think that smaller provinces or states are more homogenous than bigger ones; and thus less complicated to administer. Paul Buckholts said, many years back, that the major problem of African countries lied in the heterogeneity of their units.1
Some have also argued that the size of the population matters for federal states to work properly. Borrowing to physics, Daniel J. Elazar argues that units with a critical-mass (in opposition to excess mass) population allows governments "to meet the appropriate needs, demands and expectations of its citizens."2
On the other hand, the greater the number of units the more pieces there are to the federal puzzle and the more difficult it is for the central government to share the powers and resources evenly. Indeed, Elazar's critical mass argument also implies that entities with less than critical mass population are not viable.3
Also, it can be argued that the smaller and the more homogeneous provinces are, the easier it is for the units to dissociate themselves from the greater heterogeneous entity. In Yugoslavia for instance, ethnically homogeneous units within a federal structure "helped create a political environment that was ripe for dissolution by ethnic mobilization once decentralization began."4
The creation of new states within a federation may or may not be beneficial for the affected people. If the creation is the result of a long battle for autonomy, like in the case of the Swiss Jura, the newly gained identity is a reward. Independent until the beginning of the 19th century, the overwhelmingly French-Catholic Jura was given in 1815 to the German-Protestant Canton of Bern for various political reasons. After a long struggle for autonomy led by the French population, the Jura became the 26th Canton of Switzerland in 1979.5
However, if a new border is traced without the population's approval, it can provoke violence in an otherwise peaceful setting. The Nigerian example represents an extreme illustration of this fact. Before its 1960 independence, the country was divided in three regions (North, West and East), to which was added a Mid-West region in 1963. After the 1966 coup, twelve states were forcibly carved out of these four regions and dissatisfaction led to a civil war and to the secession of the former Eastern Region known - until its 1970 reintegration in Nigeria - as the Republic of Biafra.6
1 Paul Buckholds, Political Geography (New York, Roland Press Co., 1966): 470.
2 Daniel J. Elazar, "Cursed by Bigness or toward a Post-Technocratic Federalism", Publius, Vol. 3, No. 2, The Federal Polity (Autumn 1973): 284.
3 Ibid.
4 Robert H. Dorff, "Federalism in Eastern Europe: Part of the Solution or Part of the Problem?", Publius, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Spring 1994): 104.
5 Michel Bassand, "The Jura Problem", Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 12, No. 2, Special Issue: Peace Research in Switzerland (1975): 139-150.
6 Ladipo Adamolekun, "Introduction: Federalism in Nigeria", Publius, Vol. 21, No. 4, Federalism in Nigeria: Toward Federal Democracy (Autumn 1991): 2.
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